crux

crux, ŭcis, f. (m., Enn. ap. Non. p. 195, 13; Gracch. ap. Fest. s. v. masculino, p. 150, 24, and 151, 12 Müll.) [perh. kindred with circus].

• Lit.
• • A In gen., a tree, frame, or other wooden instruments of execution, on which criminals were impaled or hanged, Sen. Prov. 3, 10; Cic. Rab. Perd. 3, 10 sqq.—
  • B In partic., a cross, Ter. And. 621; Cic. Verr. 2, 1, 3, § 7; 2, 1, 4, § 9; id. Pis. 18, 42; id. Fin. 5, 30, 92; Quint. 4, 2, 17; Tac. A. 15, 44; Hor. S. 1, 3, 82; 2, 7, 47; id. Ep. 1, 16, 48 et saep.: dignus fuit qui malo cruce periret, Gracch. ap. Fest. l. l.: pendula, the pole of a carriage, Stat. S. 4, 3, 28. —
• II Transf.
• • A As a term of reproach, a gallows bird, a hempen rascal, Plaut. Pers. 5, 2, 17 (793).—
  • B Transf., torture, trouble, misery, destruction, etc. (so most freq. in Plaut. and Ter., and in the former esp. freq. in connection with mala): aliqua mala crux, tormentor (of a prostitute), Plaut. Aul. 3, 5, 48 (522); cf.: illae cruces, Ter. Eun. 383: quae te mala crux agitat? what tormentor troubles you? Plaut. Bacch. 4, 2, 2 (584): abstraxit hominem in maximam malam crucem, id. Men. prol. 66: quaerere in malo crucem, Ter. Phorm. 544.—Prov.: summum jus antiqui summam putabant crucem, Col. 1, 7, 2.—Hence, in colloq. lang.: I (abi, etc.) in malam crucem! go to the devil! go and be hanged! Plaut. Cas. 3, 5, 17 (637); id. Ps. 3, 2, 57 (846); 4, 7, 86 (1188) al.; Ter. Phorm. 368; cf.: Cy. Num quid vis? Me. Ut eas maximam in malam crucem, Plaut. Men. 2, 2, 53 (325); id. Capt. 3, 1, 9 (469).—Without mala: I in crucem, Plaut. As. 5, 2, 91 (941).—And ellipt.: in malam crucem! Plaut. Cas. 5, 4, 8 (970); id. Ps. 5, 2, 5 (1289). —Hence, Ital. croce; Fr. croix.

crux, crucis, f. (vgl. altind. krúñcati »krümmt sich«, ahd. hrukki »Rücken«), I) das Marterholz, sowohl zum Anpfählen (s. Sen. de prov. 3, 9), als zum Hängen (s. Cic. pro C. Rab. 10 sqq.), als zum Spießen, bes. aber zum Kreuzigen (s. Sen. ad Marc. 20, 3), und dann deutsch das Kreuz (sowohl in Gestalt eines T als eines +), crucis terror, Cic.: ultimum crucis supplicium, Flor.: cruce dignus, v. Pers., cruce dignissimi fugitivi, Val. Max., und v. Vergehen, peccat uterque nostrum cruce dignius? Hor. – cr. acuta, Sen.: cr. alta, Plin., altissima, Iustin.: cr. praeter ceteras multo altior et dealbata, Suet.: cr. summa, Catull. u. Iustin. -afficere alqm cruce, Suet. u. Lact.: afficere cives Romanos morte, cruciatu, cruce, Cic.: agere alqm in crucem, Cic., in illum cruciatum et crucem, Cic.: affigere alqm cruci, Liv. u. Val. Max.: constituere crucem sibi ipsum (bildl.), Cic.: contionari de summa cruce, Iustin.: defigere crucem in foro, in comitio, in campo Martio, Cic. (vgl. crucem ad supplicium defigi et constitui iubes, Cic.): detrahere (abnehmen) alqm ex cruce, Cic.: fabricare crucem, Sen.: figere crucem damnatis servis, Cic., od. post urbem in via Pompeia, Cic., od. illo in loco, Cic.: figere alqm in ea parte crucis, quae ad fretum spectat, Cic.: figere corpus verberibus lacerum in crucem, Iustin.: figere alqm od. corpus alcis cruci, Quint. u. Plin.: luere supplicia crucibus, Iustin.: mereri crucem, Ter. Andr. 521: merere crucem, Sen. contr. 7, 6 (21), 3: minari alci crucem, Cic.: minitari omnibus bonis cruces ac tormenta, Cic.: pendēre in cruce, Iustin., merito in tam alta cruce, Plin. (vgl. crucibus affixi per ingens litoris spatium pependerunt, Curt.): pascere in cruce corvos, Hor.: ponere alci crucem, Iuven.: propositā cruce aut saxo, da das Kr. oder der tarpejische Fels (als Strafe) darauf gesetzt war (darauf stand), Cic.: multas cruces propositas effugere cupere (bildl. = vielen Quälereien), Cic.: rapere alqm in crucem, Cic.: refigere se crucibus (im Bilde), Sen. – sedere acutā cruce, Sen.: suffigere alqm cruci, Cic. u. Vell., od. in cruce, Hor. u. Auct. b. Afr., od. in crucem u. in crucem altissimam, Iustin.: multo praeter ceteras altiorem et dealbatam statui crucem iussit, ließ errichten, Suet.: tollere (fortnehmen) crucem de campo, Cic.: tollere alqm in crucem, Cic., mit folg. quod (weil er usw.), Quint. – bildl., summum ius antiqui putabant summam crucem (Qual), Col. – bei den Komik. in den Formeln, quaerere in malo crucem, in den Nöten sich zu einem Kreuz (zu qualvoller Strafe) verhelfen, Ter.: quae te mala crux agitat? plagt dich der Henker? Plaut.: ire od. abire in malam crucem u. bl. malam crucem, zum Henker gehen, Plaut. (s. Brix Plaut. capt. 466 u. Men. 849): u. so i od. abi in malam crucem! Plaut. u. Ter.: abi in crucem! Plaut.: i in crucem! Plaut.: ebenso ellipt., in malam crucem! zum Henker! Plaut. – u. v. der Buhldirrne, die junge Leute plagt, Marterholz, Quälgeist, aliqua mala crux, Plaut.: illae cruces, Ter. – als Schimpfwort, Galgenvogel, Galgenstrick, Plaut. Pers. 795. – II) poet., das Kreuz = die Deichsel, cr. pendula, Stat. silv. 4, 3, 28. – ➳ arch. auch masc., malo cruce, Enn. ann. 360. Gracch. bei Fest. 150 (b), 30: Genet. Plur. crucum, Tert. apol. 16 (zweimal); ad nat. 1, 12 (zweimal); vgl. Charis. 141, 18.

crux [CL] 1 cross, instrument of punishment. b (fig.) torment, tribulation. c (as term of abuse) plague. tunc crucis in patulum coguntur scandere robur Aldh. VirgV 1117; an mei [Petri] oblitus es exempli, qui ‥ mortem ~cis ‥ pertuli Bede HE II 6; suspensi cras eritis / crucis in patibulo Hil. Ronce. 12. 72; de ~ce Disme boni latronis Invent. Ch. Ch. 87; fures ‥ narrabat nonnunquam suspendi xx in una ~ce More Ut. 43.  b [Cistercienses] importabiles corporibus suis pro animarum remedio comminiscuntur ~ces W. Malm. GR IV 336; ~cibus corporee afflictionis Chr. Rams. 23 (cf. (v. edomare)).  c s1214 Petro ‥ ad suspendium condemnato, ‥ dixit regi [Johanni]: “ ‥ o non rex hominum, sed fex et crux omnium” Fordun Cont. IX 5. 2 cross of Christ. b (w. ref. to preservation as relic); c (w. ref. to dedication of church, etc.); d (fig.) Christian faith. quando crucis gabulum sacrato corpore scandit Aldh. VirgV 1638; qui ‥ mundum in ~ce [AS: on rode] redemisti (Jud. Dei) GAS 410; ‘cornua in manibus ejus’ [Hab. iii 4], quia brachiis ~cis confixae sunt manus ejus Anselm (Med. 3) III 84 (cf. id. Or. 4: ad crucem, ib. 11–12); Cayphas precepit ut ‥ ex ea [sancta arbore] x ulnas absciderent et de illa parte Christi ~cem componerent Holy Rood-Tree 53; Christus fuit passus in bino ligno, sc. in duobus lignis ~cis Hales Qu. 897; J. Howd. CA 17 (v. cornutus 4b); repetatur [gradale] ‥ in missa de ~ce Miss. Sarum 10.  b eo quod ‥ crux Domini ab Helena ‥ reperta sit Bede HE V 16; Marinus papa ‥ dedit ‥ non parvam illius ‥ ~cis partem in qua Dominus ‥ pependit Asser Alf. 71; invenit ‥ ~cis dominicae philacterium a collo dependens Herm. Arch. 20; Hugo Capet ‥ misit regi Ethelstano ‥ lanceam et clavum Domini et partem ~cis R. Niger Chr. II 138; Chr. Abingd. I 7 (v. credere 4b); 1187 Saladini nepos ‥ ~cem ligni Dominici cepit (Lit. Januensium) G. Hen. II II 12; s1223 apud Bromholm [Norf] increbuerunt ‥ miracula ad gloriam ‥ salutifere ~cis, in qua Salvator mundi pati dignatus est pro redemptione generis humani; et ‥ dignum est ‥ memoriis posterorum imprimere quo ordine ‥ in Britanniam sit delata Wend. II 274 (cf. Coggesh. Chr. f. 124); 1283 nobis ‥ Walenses partem illam preciosissimi ligni ~cis, que a Walensibus crosseneyht vocatur, reddiderunt (WelshR) Foed. II 247; 1383 (v. 4d infra).  c s1066 corpus Haroldi ‥ apud Waltham sepelivit, quam ipse ecclesiam ex proprio constructam in honore S. ~cis canonicis impleverat W. Malm. GR III 247 (cf. Found. Waltham); Nasingham semper tenet S. ~x (Essex) DB II 15b; a1150 omnia subscripta concedo ecclesie S. ~cis Edwinesburgensi E. Ch. Scot. 153; 1361 in capella que dedicata est in honorem S. ~cis et Beatorum Edmundi et Guthlaci (Chr. Abingd.) EHR XXVI 731; 1455 magistro ‥ et fratribus hospitalis S. ~cis juxta Wynton’ (Pat) MonA VI 723.  d coenubialis militiae pugiles frontem vexillo ~cis armatam ‥ aemulorum agminibus offerentes Aldh. VirgP 11 (cf. Carm. Aldh. 2. 37); crucem Domini sincera mente virago / gratulabunda vehens Id. VirgV 1895; s1185 multi eorum [cruciatorum], relicta ~cis religione, fient ~cis et nominis Christi persecutores R. Howd. II 303; ab hostibus ~cis apprehendi jubetur (W. St. Alb. V. Alb.) M. Par. Maj. I 152; arma fuerunt / scutum justitie, calcar crucis, ocrea legis, / hasta spei H. Avr. Hugh 7. 3 festivals of the Cross: a Adoration (Good Friday); b Commemoration (31 Oct); c Exaltation (14 Sept); d Invention, Crouchmas (3 May). a ~cis adorate dies advenerat Devizes 40.  b vigilia Omnium Sanctorum ‥ post collectam commemoratio solummodo de S. ~ce Lanfr. Const. 133; Cust. Westm. 240 (v. commemoratio c).  c xviij kal. Octobris: Exaltatio S. ~cis; benedictio Egb. Pont. 89 rub.; in exaltatione S. ~cis simile servitium est servitio Inventionis ejusdem, nisi quod in hac S. ~x adoratur, in illa minime Lanfr. Const. 135; s1141 ab Exaltatione S. ~cis usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum W. Malm. HN 500; c1160 ad festum S. ~cis in Septembri Act. Hen. II I 295; 1227 in octabis Exaltacionis S. ~cis Cl 213a (cf. ib.: in crastino S. ~cis); Bacon VI 115 (v. angaria 1c).  d ad priores vesperas Inventionis S. ~cis hymnus ‘vexilla regis’ Lanfr. Const. 135 (cf. (v. 3c supra)); 1199 ab Invencione S. ~cis in xv dies CurR RC I 259; 1248 quod ‥ capiant ‥ iiij damos in pinguedine inter festum S. ~cis in Mayo et festum S. ~cis in Septembri Fines 283/12/225; 1337 diebus Mercurii, Jovis et Veneris proximis post festum Invencionis S. ~cis Ac. Durh. 533. 4 a cross erected or depicted in church (usu. over altar); b (? w. ref. to stations of the cross or sim.). c cross (usu. of precious metal or sim.) for ritual use. d reliquary in form of cross. a s1141 ~x Christi a Kanuto ‥ Novo Monasterio collata MonA II 437a (cf. W. Malm. HN 499: imago crucifixi ‥ magna mole); ~x quedam, crucifixi vultum et imaginem preferens, major aliquantulum quam portatilis, ligno quod post altare se in utrumque parietem extendebat cuneis firmiter infixo se subito evellens Gir. GE I 35; 1220 duo linthea, unum cooperiens ~cem in Quadragesima (Vis.) Reg. S. Osm. I 280; 1252 ~x stagnea et depicta super majus altare et alia parva portabilis Vis. S. Paul. 17; 1291 ad altare S. Joh. Evangeliste sub magna ~ce Feod. Durh. 201n; s1325 deposita fuit magna ~x stans in navi ecclesie S. Pauli ad depingendum, in cujus deposicione magna pars patibuli super altare cecidit Ann. Paul. 310; 1361 lego ‥ lumin[ari] alte ~cis in ‥ ecclesia xx s. Cart. Osney II 311; 1384 ante altare S. ~cis vestite Ac. Durh. 390.  b (Gosc. Mellitus) Flete Westm. 40 (v. chrismare a); dedicacio ecclesiarum: ‥ provideatur quod xij ~ces depingantur in circulis in parietibus infra ecclesiam et xij deforis Pont. Exon. 11; 1411 navis ecclesie Cantuariensis, cum apparatu gradus et pulpiti ibidem cum stacione ~cis Lit. Cant. III 114 (cf. Invent. Ch. Ch. 108).  c hic crucis ex auro splendescit lamina fulvo Aldh. CE 3. 77; [Paulinus] attulit secum vasa pretiosa ‥, in quibus et ~cem magnam auream Bede HE II 20; [in die Parascevae] praeparetur ~x ante altare ‥, sustentata hinc et inde a duobus diaconibus. ‥ deferatur tunc ab ipsis diaconibus ante altare et eos acolitus cum pulvillo sequatur, super quem sancta ~x ponatur . ‥ item diaconi, levantes ~cem canant ‥ ‘quid ultra’. ‥ post haec, vertentes se ad clerum, nudata ~ce, dicant antiphonam ‘ecce lignum ~cis’ RegulC 44; [feria sexta] quod si convenerint aliqui ‥ volentes adorare ~cem, portetur eis ~x in alium locum ubi aptius adorent eam Lanfr. Const. 115; ostendebantur ei laminae aureae, ~ces, baccilia, claves ecclesie Osb. Mir. Dunst. 11; 1224 numquam celebret sacerdos nisi ~ce ante se posita Conc. Syn. 126; 1245 ~x gracilis ‥ plana ‥ cum yconia tota deaurata, in cujus patibulo superiori est enichmus in quo sculpitur ymago hominis, in patibulo inferiori lapis in quo sculpitur cervus, ad duo brachia due amatiste; pes firmatus ~ci ad modum pedis cyphi Invent. S. Paul. 471; s1253 (v. campanula b); 1295 ~ces: ‥ item ~x argentea tota deaurata cum pede triphoriato et aymallato cum yconis crucifixi, Marie et Johannis et iiij ymaginibus in circuitu ~cis [etc.] Vis. S. Paul. 312; 1448 j ~cem parvam argenteam deauratam stantem garnashyd cum gemmis (Invent. All Souls) Arch. J. LI 121.  d 1245 ~x argentea deaurata undique, in qua reponuntur reliquie ~cis, et ornatur lapidibus Invent. S. Paul. 471; 1315 in ~ce longa argentea cum dupplici patibulo et pede de cupro deaurato continentur: de ligno Dominico; de cunabulo Domini; ‥ de virga Moysy Invent. Ch. Ch. 81; 1383 j parva ~x ‥ cum ‥ particula dominice ~cis ‥ inclusa Ac. Durh. 428; de reliquiis ‥ preter illas que ‥ in ~cibus reconduntur Flete Westm. 72. 5 cross carried in procession (usu. on top of staff); b carried before archbishop etc.; c carried before priest visiting sick; d used in obsequies. Dominica in Palmis: ‥ proficiscatur processio ‥ ; praecedant famuli cum vexillis; sequatur conversus ferens situlam ‥ , alii duo portantes duas ~ces Lanfr. Const. 101; ij ~ces ad processiones ex argento deaurate Lib. Eli. III 50; 1220 ~x processionalis de opere Lemovicensi (Vis.) Reg. S. Osm. I 280; 1222 ~x una processionaria bene deaurata cum lapidibus multis (Invent.) Ib. II 127; 1245 ~ces due portatiles ad processionem lignee cum yconiis cooperte laminibus argenteis ante et retro et cum pomellis deauratis Invent. S. Paul. 471; 1261 fieri faciat ‥ j ~cem depinctam portandam ad processionem Cl 342; 1368 ~x portatilis cum baculo, alia sine baculo Invent. Norw. 9; iste abbas [J., ob. 1379] ditavit ecclesiam ‥ cum ‥ j ~ce processionali cum baculo portabili pro eadem Chr. Evesham 301; 1404 item ‥ j ~x argentea et deaurata, et ponitur super ~cem pro processione Ac. Durh. 395 (cf. (v. baculus 2b)).  b c1102 audivi quia facis portari ~cem ante te in via. quod si verum est, mando tibi ne amplius hoc facias, quia non pertinet nisi ad archiepiscopum a Romano pontifice pallio confirmatum Anselm (Ep. 278, ad episc.Dublin.) IV 192; s1126 Cantuariensis episcopus mandavit regi quod curie sue non adesset si Eboracensis ibi ~cem sibi preferri faceret H. Cantor 31 (cf. ib. 25v); [Baldwinus archiepiscopus Cant’] cum ~cem suam portatilem ‥ archidiacono tradi juberet Gir. RG I 18 p. 75; 1264 in presentia ‥ W. de H., tunc portantis ~cem abbatis [S. Albani] Reg. Whet. II app. 319; 1268 quandam ‥ ~cem portatilem argenteam bene subtiliter et decenter fabricatam et deauratam cum hasta sive baculo ejusdem magnitudinis quam habent ~ces quas archiepiscopi faciunt coram se deportari ante universitatem magistrorum et scolarium Oxon’ deferendas Cl 23 (cf. MunAcOx 37); 1278 Cl 95 m. 6 (v. bajulatio a); s1319 (v. crucifer 1b).  c 1214 sacerdos ‥ deferat corpus dominicum ad egrotos ‥ lucerna precedente ‥ et ~ce similiter ‥, nisi ~x forte fuerit apud egrum Conc. Syn. 28 (cf. ib. 81: ad alium egrum); c1240 corpus Christi ‥ deferat sacerdos ad infirmum ante pectus suum manifeste, ~ce infixa Ib. 372; 1368 ~x pro infirmis Invent. Norw. 5.  d praecedentibus his qui situlam cum aqua, ~cem, candelabra, thuribulum portant ‥, conveniant in aecclesiam, positoque corpore in loco ubi poni solet ‥ figatur ~x ad caput ejus Lanfr. Const. 184; 1229 due ~ces, una processionalis et alia ad officium mortuorum Conc. Syn. 171; a1313 parochiani tenentur invenire ‥ ~cem processionalem et aliam ~cem pro mortuis ‥ Ib. 1386; 1368 ~x cum baculo, ~x pro mortuis Invent. Norw. 3. 6 cross (misc): a worn or carried on person; b set on sceptre; c said to be spat upon by Templars; d kissed before ordeal; e used in ordeal by battle; f (wooden) carried by felon after abjuring realm. a tollitur ac saevo quaedam crux aurea furtu, / quam Christi famulus secum portare solebat Alcuin WillV 32. 3; Osb. Transl. Elph. 144 (v. collarius 1); crux quam vir sanctus jugiter in manibus ferre consueverat ‥ cruore respersa ‥ decidit (W. St. Alb. V. Alb. III 22) M. Par. Maj. I 151; s1224 quidam canonicus dixit se ‥ invenisse corpus episcopi integrum ‥ cum ~ce e metallo confecta pectori ejus imposita V. Birini 6; 1245 parva ~x ‥ ad longitudinem pollicis et dim. quasi suspensibilis ad collum hominis Invent. S. Paul. 471.  b 1308 sceptrum regale, in cujus summitate erat ~x (Cl) Foed. III 63a.  c 1311 quidam miles Templarius ‥ confessus est quod ‥ [frater] qui recipitur ‥ super ~cem sibi ostensam spuit (Dep. Templar.) Ann. Lond. 181.  d osculentur singuli evangelium et ~cem Christi [AS: rod Cristes] (Jud. Dei) GAS 405.  e licebit illi apud quem res illa [furto ablata] inventa est sacramento se purgare de furto; et, si non poterit se sic excusare et actor ipsum super ‥ furto compellat, tunc cum scuto et ~ce fiat pugna Upton 81.  f 1322 regiam stratam et warentum sancte ecclesie, viz. ~cem, in campis ‥ reliquit versus silvam fugiendo SelCCoron 76; 1352 (v. abjurare 4a); s1497 C. fatebatur feloniam, ibidem prestando juramentum corporale †abronunciandi regno Anglie. ‥ et postea ‥ recessit ab ecclesia et deliberatus erat proximis constabulariis per ‥ vicecomitem ‥ cum alba ~ce composita de ligno ut profugus Sanct. Durh. 70 (cf. (v. constabularius 5a)). 7 cross (of wood or stone) erected in the open; b in front of church or in graveyard; c in market place; d as boundary mark; e as mark of subjection to religious order; f as mark of ownership of crop (W); g as memorial. Osuald signum sanctae ~cis erexit Bede HE III 2; 744 [pseudochristianus] ~ces statuens in campis et oratoriola ‥ populum seducebat relinquens [sic] aecclesias publicas, concurrens ad illa signa (Lit. Papae) Ep. Bonif. 57; mos est Saxanice gentis quod in nonnullis nobilium ‥ hominum predibus non aecclesia sed sancte ~cis signum Deo dicatum ‥ in alto erectum ad commoda diurni orationis ‥ habere solent Hugeb. Will. 1; est ibi vexillum quoniam de rupe vetusto / erectum sublime crucis Wulf. Swith. II 716; c1160 ~x que erat in bivio Act. Hen. II I 278; 1346 cruxque Novem Ville belli fit testis †et [? l. ut] ille / qui verum scivit quia Scocia victa subivit (Neville’s Cross) Pol. Poems I 51; usque ad ~cem lapideam que stat in quadrivio G. S. Alb. III 262.  b ad crucis excelsae, princeps quam condidit ipse, / adponunt signum sacrate membra quieti Æthelwulf Abb. 538; c1228 insecutus est quemdam servientem monachorum cum equo et summagio usque ad ~cem extra hostium ecclesie Feod. Durh. 239; 1229 ut sacerdotes ‥ inducant parochianos suos ut ~ces, signa victorie nostre, que pro pace vel pro defunctis ‥ fuerint erecte et nunc jacent dirute, de novo erigantur Conc. Syn. 179; Ib. 172 (v. coemeterium); s1346 archiepiscopus ‥ verbum Dei ‥ ad ~cem in cimiterio ecclesie S. Pauli Londoniis predicans Avesb. 106b; s1376 episcopus ‥ London’ ‥ publicavit bullam istam in ~ce S. Pauli Eul. Hist. Cont. III 335.  c 1204 pro amovendis ‥ seldis [in foro burgi Gloec’] a loco ubi ~x ville posita est Pipe 146; 1370 concessimus quod ‥ comites Marchie ‥ apud Dunbarre ~cem fori publici habeant et erigi faciant ‥ ac forum ‥ omni die Lune de lanis [etc.] ‥ teneant RMS Scot 340; 1380 quedam domus pro schopa carnificum cum quadam ~ce cooperta pro vendicione mercimoniorum in foro de Fyndon’ [Suss] IMisc 223/13 r. 5; 1379 staciones circa ~cem in Chepe dimisse ad firmam et circa Brokyncros (LBLond H 113) MGL I 557; s1415 progresso ad ~cem de Cheepe, ~x non apparuit, sed quasi castrum pulcherrimum circa eam G. Hen. V 15; 1543 de ‥ domo ‥ jacente infra burgum de Haidingtoun ex parte australi vici ~cis foralis Scot. Grey Friars II 40.  d qui infra tres ~ces lapideas mirifice sculptas et ad introitum Beverlaci tunc ab eodem rege [Adelstano] erectas hanc pacem violaverit Mir. J. Bev. A 298; a1195 versus ~cem lapideam, que ‥ in signum hujus recte divise erecta fuerat, et ab ea ~ce usque ‥ ad vivarium, ubi altera ~x erecta est, ‥ [etc.], usque in introitum nemoris, ubi quinta ~x levata est, et inde ‥ usque in clivum ad latam viam ‥ ubi olim steterat quinta ~x, in qua cuneus ferreus infixus erat in signum divisarum Feod. Durh. 203n; c1200 divisam que vadit de D. usque ad viam ‥ sicut ~ces proportant Deeds Newcastle 68; a1270 sive in burgo sive extra infra quattuor ~ces (Reg. Cellarer) Bury St. Edm. 192 (cf. ib. 5n); c1337 cementariis pro factura ~cium super marchiam inter episcopum et priorem in mora de H. Ac. Durh. 536; s1394 nocte venerat ‥ in mariscum ‥ multitudo copiosa, qui ~cem vocatam Kenulphston ‥ pro limite inter Holandiam et Kesteven in perambulacione ‥ nuper erectam enormiter prostraverunt Croyl. Cont. B 492; 1436 j acra jacet ad ~cem et ad spinam inter B. et N. Cart. Osney IV 303.  e 1194 fratres militie Templi ‥ optulerunt se ‥ de placito xvj acrarum terre in la Hela [Devon] et de placito ~cium levatarum prostratarum in eadem villa CurR RC I 53; quia multi tenentes erigunt ~ces in tenementis suis aut erigi permittunt ‥, ut tenentes per privilegia Templariorum et Hospitalariorum tueri se possint contra capitales dominos feodorum, statutum est quod hujusmodi tenementa capitalibus dominis aut regi incurrantur (2 Westm. 33) StRealm I 87.  f 1278 quod quidam ‥, asserentes quedam blada, que idem D. ‥ emit ‥, sua esse, quandam ~cem super blada predicta, prout moris est in partibus illis, apponi fecerunt; occasione cujus ~cis predictus D. aliquam administracionem de bladis illis habere non potest WelshR 2 m. 12d. (cf. Cal. ChancR Var. 170).  g celebris illa pompa funeris fuit, dum pro miraculorum frequentia figerentur semper lapidee ~ces ad septem miliaria. ‥ manent omnes ~ces, nec ulla earum vetustatis sensit injuriam; vocanturque Biscepstane, id est ‘lapides episcopi’ W. Malm. GP (V. Aldh.) V 230; 1269 vobis ‥ precepimus quod sumptibus Judeorum ‥ quandam ~cem marmoream pulcram et altam bene incisam ‥ cum ymagine crucifixi ‥ ex parte una et ‥ B. Virginis cum Filio suo ex parte altera ‥ auro depictis una cum causa ‥ manifeste superscripta in loco ubi scelus ‥ extitit perpetratum ‥ [? fieri faceretis] Cl 22; 1290 pro marmore ‥ empto ad ~cem de La Charrynge ‥; item ‥ pro iij virgis, iij anulis et iij capitibus pro ~cibus de Wautham, Norhamtona, et Lincolnia Manners 117; s1290 in omni loco et villa quibus corpus pausaverat jussit rex ~cem miro tabulatu erigi ad regine memoriam, ut a transeuntibus pro ejus anima deprecetur; in qua ~ce fecit imaginem regine depingi Rish. 121. 8 mark of cross: a as attestation of document or oath; b as boundary mark on tree; c embroidered or stitched on cloth; d worn as badge; e carried as emblem; f as armorial bearing (her); g stamped on vessels; h stamped on coin. a 679 ego Hlotharius ‥ pro confirmatione manu propria signum S. ~cis expraessi CS 45; 725 (10c) ego Nunna rex primus ~cis Christi signo munio Ib. 144; 949 (10c) ego Eadred rex ‥ agiae ~cis hanc cartulam notamine perstrinxi Ib. 880; 959 (12c) ego Eadgivu ‥ regis ava hanc donationem cum sigillo S. ~cis confirmavi Ib. 1046; Dunstanus archiepiscopus cum suffraganeis suis predictarum rerum donationem facto ~cis in charta signo corroboravit Ord. Vit. IV 16 p. 283; c1152 que carte ~cibus sunt signate secundum antiquam consuetudinem Act. Hen. II I 48; cum inspicerentur regum Anglicorum, Offe sc. ac ceterorum scripta, in quibus pro sigillis novo more dependentibus veteri consuetudine ~ces auree manu regum depicte in principio posite erant, ‥ videbantur quibusdam invidorum nullius esse momenti, quia sigillata non erant G. S. Alb. I 151; Croyl. 70 (v. chirographum 1b); [virgo consecranda] affirmans quod dixit, signum ~cis cum incausto faciat, quam episcopus accipiat et servandam tradat Pont. Exon. 116; 1426 qua professione sic facta [abbas] faciendo ~cem tali modo + manu propria subscribebat Reg. Cant. I 102.  b 1294 ab orientali parte sarti eremite usque ad Lidgete per quercus in quibus pater meus fecit ~ces propriis suis manibus ChartR 80 m. 7 (Cal. II 445) .  c 1295 capa ‥ de rubeo sameto breudata leonibus, floribus et ~cibus Vis. S. Paul. 317; 1446 duo panni albi pro Quadragesima cum ~cibus rubeis superconsutis Wills N. Country I 91; 1449 pro rubeis ~cibus in ‥ velo insutis Ac. Durh. 276.  d s1349 plusquam vjxx homines [sc. Flagellantes] ‥ per Flandriam venientes Londonias ‥ habentes capellos ~ce rubea ante et retro signatos, habentes ‥ flagellum cum tribus cordulis, ‥ seipsos flagellarunt Avesb. 119b; s1383 apprenticii ‥, sumptis albis capuciis et rubeis ~cibus in parte dextera, rubeis quoque gladiorum vaginis in sinistra, ‥ sunt profecti Wals. HA II 95.  e s1244 (v. crucifer 2b); 1249 fratres de ordine S. ~cis Pat 60 m. 2.  f inter †omnes [? l. omnia] signa mortua dignius est signum ~cis. ‥ illius signi xij differencie inveniuntur, viz. ~x plana, ingradata, truncata, patens, figitiva, cruciata, molendinaria, florida, [nodulata], florida patens, florida nodulata, dupla partita. ‥ ~a plana ut in armis S. Georgii ‥ Bad. Aur. 175; saltatoria possunt ingradari sicut ~ces ‥; et istud signum fit ad modum ~cis S. Andree Ib. 200–1; rex Arthurus magnam ‥ fiduciam habuit in signo ~cis ‥ et ~cem argenteam, in cujus brachio dextro erat quedam ymago B. Virginis cum Filio suo, in scuto viridi assumpsit in suis armis portandam Upton 209; 1430 lego ‥ magistro W. F. ‥ ciphum meum ‥ cum coopertorio habente scutum meum ‥ sub signo ~cis Andree Reg. Cant. II 479.  g †833 (15c) (v. 1 crucibolum 1b); Garl. Tri. Eccl. 37 (v. 10a infra); 1425 pro j instrumento ferri cum ~ce S. Andree pro vasis signandis Ac. Durh. 272.  h crux est denarii potens in seculo (De Cruce Denarii 1) Ps.-Map 223; s1247 inventa est novi cunei impressio, sc. talis ut ‥ ~cis brachia duplicia extenderentur; in cujus denarii rotunditate si quid de ~ce illa fuisset violatum, pro retonso haberetur M. Par. Min. III 27–8. 9 a cross as badge of crusader. b crusade. Cf. crucesignare 1a. a s1096 comes ‥ Raimundus et cum eo multi alii, ~ce Christi signati, peregrinationem se pro Deo subituros ‥ spoponderunt Fl. Worc. II 39; s1172 juravit [rex] quod ‥ usque in triennium ~cem acciperet ‥ in propria persona Jerosolimam iturus G. Hen. II I 32; 1177 simul ibimus [sc. reges Francie et Anglie] in servitium Christianitatis et ~cem suscipiemus (Tractatus) Diceto YH 421; si cruce signatus rubea me confero Templo, / trans mare me mittent solvere vota Deo Nig. SS 2053; s1185 (v. captio 8); 1189 de ‥ tallagio quod rex H. pater fecit ‥ post susceptionem ~cis Pipe 230; frustra ~cem bajulat in scapulis cujus religionem non servat in operibus suis R. Niger Mil. I prol. p. 94; Gaufrido filio Petri et Willelmo Briwere ‥, detracta sibi ~ce, domi sedere permissis Devizes 26v; a1200 noveritis me ‥ liberum fecisse Hugonem T. ‥, quia recepit ~cem pro me (Manumission) EHR XXVI 95; s1200 qui ~cis signaculum deposuerant, districtione apostolica resumere sunt compulsi Oxnead Chr. 112; 1201 recepit de patre suo ‥ j loricam [etc.] ut ipse portaret ~cem patris sui ‥ in Jerosolim’ Pl. K. or J. II 248; 1203 (v. cruciare 3b); s1215 illis exceptis qui assumpto ‥ ~cis signaculo sunt personaliter profecturi Wend. II 157; Garl. Tri. Eccl. 135 (v. Assyrius); s1268 (v. capere 9b); 1278 (v. character 1d).  b s1172 rex ‥ juravit ‥ se infra triennium ~cem facturum et Hierosolymam profecturum H. Bos. LM 1315A; s1215 ut ‥ episcopi, abbates ‥ et alii qui curam obtinent animarum studiose proponant populis sibi commissis verbum ~cis Wend. II 156; 1220 ad auxilium ei faciendum pro expensis suis factis in servicio ~cis Pat 284; hoc exigere videtur ~cis predicatio Ad. Marsh Ep. 171; 1254 assignarunt ei ‥ mmcc m. de denariis crucesignatorum ad votum ~cis Cl 217 (cf. ib.: ab illis qui denarios ~cis colligunt in Anglia); 1258 de tota pecunia per vos collecta ‥ de decima et negocio ~cis Cl 463 (cf. ib. 322: de pecunia ~cis); 1271 pro negocio ~cis ‥ profecturus est ad Terram Sanctam Liberate 47 m. 5; videtur ‥ quod dominus papa ‥ levaret ~cem ad demoliendum Angliam (Wycl.) Ziz. 264. 10 sign of cross (manual gesture or transitory mark); a (made in air); b (made w. holy water or chrism); c (made w. incense or ashes). a ille crucis pingens per ter signacula sulcat Aldh. VirgV 821; Wulf. Swith. prol. 55 (v. consignare 4); sanctus ‥ elatam dexteram machine [sc. trabi cadenti] apposuit, e regione ~cem depingit Osb. V. Dunst. 26 (cf. Adel. Blandin. Dunst. 6: clamor populi Dunstanum oculos cum dextra signo salutis armata opponere coegit); expleta missa communicet sacerdos ipsos pauperes de oblatis non consecratis, signo tantum sanctae ~cis in nomine Domini super eas facto Lanfr. Const. 107; quod alii in sacrificando corpore et sanguine Domini singulas ~ces singulis faciunt ab initio in canone, alii ‥, ubi ‥ oblatio vel hostia nominatur, unam ~cem ambobus [pani et calici] faciunt Anselm (Sacr. 2) II 240; manum elevat et magna ~ce coram se facta vesanos eos dicit Map NC IV 6 p. 165; demonis in fanum Judeus tempore noctis / venit, et advenit demonis horror ei. / se cruce signavit; signatum vas bene demon / sed vacuum dixit; credidit ergo timens Garl. Tri. Eccl. 37; c1240 ut pueri ‥ doceantur ‥ ~cis signaculo se recte consignare Conc. Syn. 269 (cf. ib. 423: qualiter se debeant ~cis caractere insignire); Cust. Westm. 110 (v. character 1d); super calicem cum thuribulo semel faciens ~cem Obs. Barnwell 116; hic v ~ces fiant, sed tres prime ~ces super hostiam et calicem ‥, quarta super panem ‥, quinta super calicem Miss. Sarum 617–18; Ord. Cartus. 101 (v. circumgyrare 2b).  b faciens ~cem cum digito suo de ipsa aqua a dextera parte, incipiens per iiij cornua altaris, inde aspargens altare cum ysopo ‥ Egb. Pont. 36 rub.; Ib. 40 rub. (v. chrisma 1a); Ælf. Ep. 3. 6 (v. chrisma 1e); Lib. Regal. 15 (v. chrisma 1h); [episcopus] aspergat aquam in modum ~cis ‥ in longum et latum per pavimentum ‥ ecclesie Pont. Exon. 19.  c Sabbato sancto ‥ debent ‥ cereum ad benedicendum in loco suo stabilire; in quo ‥ debet ‥ ~x designari, infixis in v locis v granis incensi Lanfr. Const. 117; Ib. 182 (v. cilicium c); a1455 deinde ponatur incensum in medio altaris et in quatuor cornubus et super ponantur candele in modo ~cis preparate Pont. Exon. 30. 11 cross-shaped object: a transept (arch); b (?) iron attachment on sail-yard of windmill; c (?) optic commissure; d (w. marina) (?) kind of plant. a ~x templi, quae medium canentium Deo chorum ambiret V. Ed. Conf. 49; Gerv. Cant. I 21 (v. ciborium 2b); c1228 interfuit cerchia facta per homines prioris in ~ce majoris ecclesie versus aquilonem Feod. Durh. 299; s1260 cum per ~cem ex aquilone [sic] parte chori noctanter transire conaretur Graystanes 7; [J. abbas, c1250] fundamentum ~cis ecclesie, viz. duas alas ex parte septentrionali et australi, inchoavit et usque ad supremas fenestras parietes exaltavit (Chr. Abingd.) EHR XXVI 731; s1285 partem ~cis ecclesie ‥ Eboraci borealem ‥ et egregium campanile in medio ‥ ~cis ecclesie erectum ‥ construxit T. Stubbs 409; 1365 in reparacione j gabelli in ~ce boriali ecclesie Pri. Cold. app. p. xlviii; 1380 quousque ‥ ecclesia meliorari valeat ‥ in chori tectura, in nave et ~ce Reg. Aberbr. II 36.  b 1285 in carpentario faciente ij sailyerd’, inponente drofbeam cum bend, ~e et aliis necessariis ad idem (Ac. Adisham) DCCant..  c ea que immediate deputantur ad custodiam pupille [oculi] sunt v, sc. tela et humor albugineus ac tres tunice. ‥ vel possunt v annotari sic: ~x, humor, tela, tunica, palpebra Bacon Maj. II 161 (cf. (v. cruceus 1)).  d recipe ‥ ~cis marine, circinelli, sulphurate ‥ Gilb. II 112v. 2. 12 crosswise position or arrangement. b (w. a) across. Garl. Mor. Scol. 271 (v. cancellare 1e) (cf. (v. 1 cancellatio 1a)); 1245 cum lato humerali ad modum ~cis Invent. S. Paul. 483; corrigiam ‥ scindunt in iiij partes et fodiunt in terra in ~e Gilb. II iiiv. 2 (cf. (v. corrigia 5a)); elevet [sacerdos] brachia sua in modum ~cis junctis digitis Miss. Sarum 617; quorum [nobilium] imagines visuntur in hoc templo tibiis in ~cem tranversis Camd. Br. 375.  b 1575 totum illud dimidium ‥ aque nostre ‥ extendentis a ~e le brode eye juxta Peterborough usque le loodes ende Pat 1127 m. 2.

crux, (9) ŭcis, f. , ¶ 1 croix, gibet : figere crucem ad supplicium... Cic. Verr. 2, 3, 6, dresser une croix pour le supplice... ; tollere in crucem aliquem Cic. Verr. 2, 1, 7, faire mettre en croix qqn || timon dʼun char : Stat. S. 4, 3, 28 ¶ 2 [fig.] a) gibier de potence : Pl. Pers. 795 ; b) peste [en parl. dʼune courtisane] : Ter. Eun. 383 ; c) peine, tourment, fléau : crucem in malo quærere Ter. Phorm. 544, dʼun petit mal faire un grand, chercher malheur sur malheur (se jeter dʼun mal dans un pire); summum jus summa crux Col. Rust. 1, 7, 2, lʼextrême justice devient cruauté ; i in crucem Pl. As. 940 ; abi in malam crucem Pl. Pœn. 271, va au diable, va te faire pendre.

➳ m. Gracch. d. P. Fest. 150 ; 151 ; Enn. d. Non. 195, 10 ; Prisc. Gramm. 5, 42 || gén. pl. crucum Plin. d. Char. 141, 17 ; Tert. Apol. 16 ; Nat. 1, 12.

crux , ucis. f. m.
十字架。Eum in crucem agere et in crucem tollere vel dare cruci 釘于十字架。Abi in malam crucem 冀汝絞死。

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crux ucis, f

• CVR-, a gallows, frame, tree(on which criminals were impaled or hanged), C.—A cross: (mereri) crucem, T.: cruci suffixi: in crucem acti, S.: Non pasces in cruce corvos, H.: pretium sceleris, Iu.—Torture, trouble, misery, destruction: quaerere in malo crucem, T.—Colloq.: i in malam crucem! go and be hanged, T.

CRUX

CRUX(σταυρός, σκόλοψ), an instrument of capital punishment, used at a very early period in the East. The sacred associations of the Cross are discussed at length in the Dict. of the Bible and Dict. of Christian Antiquities; and we shall here attempt only to sketch the history of the punishment through the classical period. In most accounts, even of recent writers, distinctions of time and place are not sufficiently noticed.

The words σταυρόω and σκολοπίζω (more usually ἀνασταυρόω, ἀνασκολοπίζω) are applied to modes of execution which were certainly common among the Persians; and it is probable that impalement as well as actual crucifixion was thus denoted. It has been doubted whether the later or Roman method of crucifixion was practised by the Persians: σταυρὸς is of course originally a pole or stake, Lat. palus (root στα, to stand; cf. σταύρωμα, a palisade); but the case of Artayctes (Hdt. 9.120) seems to prove that nailing to a tree or plank was not unknown to them. It was the usual punishment of rebels,--at least of those who headed revolt. Darius in the Behistun inscription boasts that he had crucified the leader of every rebellion that he had put down, giving their names (Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii. Appendix); and it was inflicted on Inaros, the champion of Egyptian liberty (Thucyd. 1.110). For the sake of ignominy, the bodies of those who had been otherwise executed were sometimes exposed on a cross after death, not always from humanity: Oroetes, after putting Polycrates to death in some horrible way which Herodotus refuses to describe, crucified the corpse (Hdt. 3.125). The account of the death of Histiaeus also suggests the probability that he was not crucified while alive (τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ ς ῶ μ α αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ ἀνεσταύρωσαν, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν ταριχεύσαντες ἀπήνεικαν πρὸς βασιλέα, Hdt. 6.30). We find Xerxes thus treating the body of Leonidas, no doubt as a rebel (Hdt. 7.238); and at a later period Ptolemy Philopator does the same to Cleomenes after his suicide (Plut. Cleom. 38). According to a strange story in Pliny, Tarquinius Priscus adopted this form of posthumous disgrace to check the frequency of suicide among the citizens, driven to despair by the forced labour with which his gigantic building operations were carried on (H. N. 36.107).

Among ancient nations, the Carthaginians were conspicuous for their cruelty, and crucifixion was horribly frequent among them: it was probably through their example that it was subsequently introduced into Sicily and Italy. It was the usual punishment of rebels, and, as is well known, was commonly inflicted on unsuccessful generals (Plb. 1.11, 24, 79, &c.). There was a story that a father once crucified his son on a frivolous pretext, and himself afterwards underwent the same punishment as a rebel (Justin (Justin. 18.7). In the war with their mercenaries and African subjects which followed immediately upon the conclusion of the First Punic War, the atrocities on both sides, ghastly enough in the narrative of the matter-of-fact Polybius (Plb. 1.65-88), have been sensationally exaggerated in Flaubert's novel of Salammbô.

The Greeks were honourably distinguished in the ancient world for their aversion to torture and mutilation in every shape; indeed, it is only in quite recent times that Christian Europe has attained the same standard of refinement. In some ways they could be cruel enough, and the frequency of capital punishments showed a singular disregard of human life. The rage of faction led to massacres like that of Corcyra, on which Thucydides moralises in a well-known passage (3.81 ff.). Prisoners of war were put to death in cold blood; the Plataeans by the Spartans (Thucyd. 3.68), the Athenian prisoners after Aegospotami to the number of 3000 (Plut. Alc. 37; Lysand. 13). The Athenians ordered a massacre of all the adult males in Mitylene, probably as many as 6000 (Thucyd. 3.36). On this Grote remarks: The Athenians, on the whole the most humane people in Greece (though humanity, according to our ideas, cannot be predicated of any Greeks), became sensible that they had sanctioned a cruel and frightful decree (ch. 50, 4.359). Yet after they had repented, and the order countermanding the atrocity had arrived barely in time, they deliberately put to death more than 1000 Mitylenaeans who had already been brought prisoners to Athens (Thucyd. 3.50). Not many years afterwards they massacred the Melians, who were not even rebels, but had merely refused to become their subjects (Thucyd. 6.116). With all this, the Greeks habitually abstained from aggravating their executions, whether of criminals or prisoners of war, by insult and torture; and they especially abhorred outrages on women and children. This side of the Greek character is well brought out in Mahaffy's Social Life in Greece; see especially pp. 238, 262 if., ed. 3. It was so from the earliest historical times. In B.C. 713 the cruelty of Hippomenes to his daughter and her lover brought about a revolution at Athens. [ARCHONp. 165 b. ] The tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries are not charged with any atrocities like those of the Visconti and other mediaeval despots in Italy; even the bull of Phalaris is now explained as an instrument of Phoenician Moloch-worship. A few isolated acts of vengeance are recorded of this period, only however in the outlying parts of the Grecian world, and therefore probably due to the contagion of barbarian example. Thus Aristodemus, the tyrant of Cumae, contemporary with Tarquinius Superbus, is said to have given way to every excess of lust and cruelty (Dionys. 7.9), and on the overthrow of his government to have been tortured to death with all his family (ib. 11). This narrative has been doubted by Niebuhr (R. H. 1.554, 3.178 n), but is probably in the main historical (cf. Grote, ch. 22, 2.520). The cruelties of Pheretime were perpetrated at Cyrene, and remind us of the Carthaginians; and they were thought to have been justly expiated when she died of a loathsome disease (Hdt. 4.202, 205). During the struggles at Miletus between the wealthy citizens and the commonalty, the latter (who were called Γέργιθες) when victorious collected the children of the rich into threshing-floors, and had them trampled to death by oxen; the rich, having in turn got the upper hand, burnt in pitch (κατεπίττωσαν: cf. the tunica molesta of Juvenal, 8.235; Mart. 10.25) all whom they got into their power, along with their children (Heracl. Pont. ap. Athen. 12.524 a). This story belongs probably to the two generations of civil strife at Miletus recorded by Herodotus (Stein, on Hdt. 5.28, who understands by πλούσιοι the Greek immigrants in general, and by δῆμος or Γέργιθες the subject Carian population). No such horrors are mentioned in Greece Proper, where even helots and serfs ranked as Hellenes. Peisistratus and his sons governed according to the laws of Solon; and even the proceedings which arose out of the murder of Hipparchus fall short of the cruelties inflicted on regicides in quite recent times. Thucydides tells us that Aristogeiton was not gently handled (οὐ ῥᾳδίως διετέθη, 6.57); his good taste in suppressing the details of torture recalls that of Herodotus already referred to; but the accounts in general suggest only torture to extract evidence, not barbarous modes of execution (cf. Justin (Justin. 2.9; Paus. 1.23, § § 1, 2). There is, in fact, no evidence that crucifixion, impalement, or burning alive were regarded as Greek punishments, at least where, as in Hellas itself, there was no contact with less civilised races. It was the same with mutilations of all kinds, such as the blinding prescribed by the laws of Locri in Italy (Dem. c. Timocr. p. 744.140), or the cutting off of hands and feet as practised by the Persians (Xen. Anab. 1.9, § 13). The cruelties alluded to in Aesch. Eum. 186-190, including impalement (ὑπὸ ῥάχιν παγέντες), are those not of Greeks, but of barbarians, and the distinction is pointedly drawn. The Greeks distinguished between reverence for the human body, for which they had a passionate admiration as shown in their athletic exercises and their works of art, and reverence for human life, which they held cheap enough. This feeling continued unimpaired as long as Greece retained her freedom. The case of Artayctes is quite exceptional; it is the punishment by a barbarian method of a barbarian who had outraged the religious feelings of the Greeks in a way that seemed to demand special expiation (Hdt. 9.120; cf. Mahaffy, p. 264). Even a Dionysius, we may well believe, would not have crucified Greek prisoners of war but for the contagion of Carthaginian example (Diod. 14.53). It may be positively asserted that Plato in the two well-known passages (ἀνασταυρωθῇ ἢ καταπνττωθῇ, Gorg. 473 C; ἀνασχινδυλευθήσεται, Rep. 2.362 A) is not alluding to possible incidents of Greek, much less Athenian, executions. And when Demosthenes declares that Meidias deserved almost to have been crucified (μόνον οὐ προσηλῶσθαι, c. Mid. p. 549.105), he means no more than an Englishman does when he says, Hanging is too good for him. The painless hemlock was all that Meidias had to fear, if capitally condemned. Grote--who, as has been seen, does not spare the Athenians for their swiftness to shed blood--has a good note (ch. 58, 5.175) on their freedom from other sorts of cruelty, and their unwillingness to put citizens to the torture even in times of public panic, when the temptation to do so was greatest.

In the Macedonian period Greece no longer retained this happy immunity: as a mere province in a larger Hellenism, it was influenced by lower and less humane races. Alexander himself is not free from the stain of cruelty, as is shown by his treatment of real or supposed conspiracies against his person in the cases of Philotas and Hermolaus: he is said to have either hanged or crucified 2000 Tyrians [ἐκρέμασε in Diod. 17.46may bear either meaning: Grote, a severe judge where Alexander is concerned, does not press the harsher sense (8.364), though Q. Curtius (Curt. 4.4) has crucibus suffixi; Thirlwall (6.202) doubts the whole story, which is not related by Arrian]; he certainly crucified Musicanus, the Indian rajah who had rebelled after being reinstated in his dominions (Arrian, 6.17; cf. Diod. 17.102). His successors improved upon his example: a year after his death Perdiccas and Eumenes crucified the aged Ariarathes of Cappadocia after other tortures (αἰκισάμενος ἀνεσταύρωσε, Diod. 18.16); Lysimachus threatened to crucify the Cyrenaic philosopher Theodorus, though an ambassador, but did not carry out his threat (Cic. Tusc. 1.4. 3, § 102; Sen. de Tranq. An. 14.3). Nicocreon of Cyprus, contemporary with Alexander, actually pounded the philosopher Anaxarchus to death in a mortar (Cic. Tusc. 2.2. 2, § 52; Nat. Deor. 3.33.82). A similar story is told of an older philosopher, Zeno the Eleatic, and a tyrant of his native city (Cic. l. c.; Diog. Laert.); but the accounts are contradictory (cf. Dict. Biogr. s. v. Zeno of Elea). Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, used as an engine of torture a figure studded with nails resembling the Eiserne Jungfrau of some German cities (Plb. 13.7). It is not necessary to pursue the records of this period any further. For the earlier and better time, the assertion of Westermann is abundantly justified, that crucifixion and other cruel punishments were abhorrent to Greek manners (geben keinen Maasstab griechischer Sitte, ap. Pauly, s. v. Supplicium). Saglio (s. v. Crux) goes too far in admitting crucifixion even as the punishment of slaves: not a single instance can be produced. This aversion of the Greeks to degrading punishments was not understood by grammarians who lived under the law of the later Roman empire, nor by scholars like Lipsius (de Cruce, published 1592), in whose time even worse horrors were perpetrated.

The Romans were naturally a hard-hearted people, and Livy shows considerable audacity in saying that the dismembering of Mettius Fuffetius was the only example in their history of a disregard of the laws of humanity; adding that they might boast that no nation had employed milder punishments (1.28). From the language of Cicero (pro Rab. Perd. 4.13) it has been inferred that crucifixion was in use in the regal period. But the words of the old law point rather to simple hanging ( infelici arbori reste suspendito, Liv. 1.26), though the cross was no doubt called arbor infelix in later times. Cicero, who is arguing against the revival of the obsolete law of perduellio, and the capital punishment of citizens in any shape, is speaking rhetorically throughout: he quotes the formula without the word reste, a misleading and doubtless intentional omission, and talks vaguely of the cross ( § § 10, 11, 16) and of the detested Tarquin ( § 13). No historical conclusions can be drawn from a speech so obviously designed to confuse the questions at issue. It is highly probable that the Romans derived this punishment from the Carthaginians: at least no mention of it appears to occur before the Second Punic War. First we find Hannibal crucifying a guide who had misled him (Liv. 22.13); then the Romans practise it on slaves, and deserters (Liv. 22.33; 30.43-Z2.13; 33.36). This last passage describes a revolt among the slaves in Etruria, B.C. 196: the ringleaders are scourged and crucified, the rest given up to their masters to be dealt with at discretion. The enormous increase in the numbers of slaves under the later republic heightened the dread of a rising among them; and the Roman system became more and more one of undisguised terrorism. Two desperate rebellions broke out in Sicily, and were only put down by regular armies; the first in B.C. 134-3, the second lasting four years, 102-99. After the pacification by the praetor M‘. Aquillius in B.C. 99, a regulation was made, and strictly enforced by successive governors of the island, that no slave should be allowed to carry a weapon. A few years later, the praetor L. Domitius received a boar of remarkable size as a present; he inquired who had killed it, and, finding that it was a slave employed as a shepherd, he summoned the man before him and asked him how he had contrived to destroy it. The shepherd, who expected a reward, replied that he had killed it with a boar-spear (venabulo); upon which Domitius at once ordered him to be crucified. Cicero tells this story with only faint disapproval, while he dwells complacently on the fact that there were no more revolts of the slaves in Sicily (Cic. in Verr. 5.3, 4, § § 7, 8). In the famous passage of the same speech (61.158 ff.) on the crucifixion of Gavius by Verres, it is the wrong done to a Roman citizen, rather than cruelty to a human being, that points Cicero's indignation: when he describes the atrocious treatment of the slave Strato by the infamous Sassia, he shows more sense of the detestableness of cruelty as such (pro Cluent. 63.177; 66.187). When the servile war of Spartacus was at last put down by Pompey, the prisoners, to the number of 6000, were crucified all along the Appian Way, between Capua and Rome (App. BC 1.120). The power of masters over their slaves was at this period, and for some time later, absolute: even the good-natured Horace treats as a joke the possibility of their being crucified for slight offences (Sat. 1.3, 80 ff.). The first measure passed in their favour was the LEX PETRONIA(q. v.): Hadrian forbade them to be executed without the sentence of a magistrate ; Antoninus Pius ordered that the murder of a slave by his master should be punished as homicide [SERVUS]. Besides slaves, the provincials were liable to crucifixion for the greater crimes, such as murder, piracy (Suet. Jul. 4), brigandage, and especially for revolts and conspiracies. The obstinacy of the Jews was particularly exasperating to the Romans, and their repeated rebellions were followed by the wholesale infliction of this punishment: thus Varus (the same who perished in Germany) crucified 2000 at once (Jos. Ant. 17.10.10); Gessius Florus several hundreds, including Roman citizens of Jewish birth (Id. B. J. 2.14.9); Titus so many that room was wanting for the crosses and crosses for the bodies (Id. ib. 6.28); and Hadrian, after the final revolt, 500 a day for some time. Under the empire the right of the civis Romanus was no longer respected: the first instance, probably, of the crucifixion of a citizen in Rome itself is that, under Galba, of a guardian who poisoned his ward.(Suet. Galb. 9). Afterwards the odious distinction between the honestiores and humiliores was introduced, and this and other tortures were freely inflicted upon the latter, especially for majestas or crimes against the state or the person of the emperor (Paul. Sent. 5.23, 1; Dig. 48, 19, tit. de poenis). It may, however, be pointed out that the English law of high treason until lately recognised a similar distinction between peers and the commonalty.

The mode of punishment is too well known to need much description. Scourging, as with Roman capital punishments in general, usually preceded it (Liv. 22.13, 33.36-Z2; Cic. in Verr. 5.6. 2, § 161 ff.). Three kinds of crosses were in common use: the crux commissa, or T shape; the crux immissa, with a projection at the top to which was affixed the titulus, setting forth the crime of the sufferer (this was the most common); and the crux decussata, in the shape of an X (St. Andrew's cross). The word crux is also applied to the single stake used in impalement: the latter process is alluded to by Seneca in two passages, but, as he is speaking of death by torture in general, it may be doubted in the absence of direct evidence whether this was a Roman custom (Cons. ad Marciam, 20.3, where crucifixion with the head downward is mentioned; Ep. 14.5). The upright post is called stipes, the transverse beam patibulum; and it was this, rather than the entire instrument, which the criminal carried to the place of execution (Plut. de Sera Num. Vind. p. 554 B; Artemid. Oneirocr. 2.61; Plautus, Mostell. 1.1, 53, and ap. Non. s. v. patibulum). It was impossible that the whole weight of the body should rest upon the nails; hence there was a piece of wood projecting from the stipes on which the sufferer sat, or rather rode (κέρας ἐφ' ᾦ ἐποχοῦνται οἱ σταυρούμενοι, Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. 91; sedilis excessus, Tertull. adv. Nat. 1.12; cf. Iren. adv. Haer. 1.12). The expression acuta si sedeam cruce, in the famous lines of Maecenas ap. Sen. Ep. 101, probably refers to this support, and not, as Lipsius thought, to impalement (see Archd. Farrar in Dict. of the Bible, s. v. Cross). when it was wanting, the body was probably sustained by ropes: the combination of ropes with nails is mentioned by Pliny (fragmentum clavi a cruce and spartum e cruce as charms, H. N. 28.46) and Hilary ( colligantium funium vincula et adactorum clavorum vulnera, de Trin. 10). The martyrologies contain accounts of sufferers bound to the cross without the use of nails, and left to die of hunger and exhaustion; when it is added that in some instances they survived nine days, we must be allowed to disbelieve. Tying to the cross is also mentioned as an Egyptian custom by Xenophon Ephesius (4.2), but his romance, apart from its late date, is of no historical authority; and there does not appear to be any sufficient evidence for the practice in classical times. The criminal was stripped of his clothes,--the cloth round the loins, as to which the Christian tradition is constant, seems to have been exceptional,--and usually hoisted on to the cross after it had been set up. Sometimes he was stretched upon it on the ground, and then lifted with it; but the former method was the commoner, and hence the phrases cruci suffigere, in crucem agere or tollere, occur oftener than cruci affigere. The well-known breaking of the legs to hasten death is alluded to by Plautus (Poen. 4.2, 64) and Cicero (Cic. Phil. 13.12.27). The dead body was generally left hanging on the cross, to be devoured by birds and beasts: the feet were but little raised above the ground (not as in most pictures), and it was not out of the reach of the latter (Hor. Ep. 1.16, 48; Juven. 14.77; Artemid. Oneirocr. 2.53). Sepulture was therefore forbidden, and a soldier set to watch the corpse (Petron. 111, 112). The place for these executions was always outside the walls of cities: at rome it was the Campus Esquilinus, to the cast of the city, part of which was afterwards occupied by the gardens of Maecenas. The Sessorium and the Sestertium, sometimes mentioned in this connexion, were probably two distinct spots in the Campus Esquilinus: the former on the Lateran Hill near the basilica of Sta. Croce in Gerusalemme, where there are some remains of a building traditionally called Sessorium (Schol. Cruq. on Hor. Epod. 5, 100, and Sat. 2.8, 8; Orell. ad loc.; Burn, Rome and the Campagna, pp. 218, 226); the latter at some place distant 2 1/2 miles (whence the name Sestertium) from the Esquiline gate in the Servian wall, not from the later circuit of the city (Tac. Ann. 15.60, with Orellius' note; Plut. Galb. 28, where Sintenis quite needlessly reads Σεσσώριον for Σητέρτιον, from a conjecture of W. A. Becker; Burn, l. c. p. 219).

With the establishment of Christianity the associations connected with the Cross led to its abolition, not from humanity, as other cruel punishments were retained: Constantine at the beginning of his reign had sanctioned it in the case of slaves and freedmen (decree of the year 314, cited Cod. Theod. 1.1 in a lex majestatis); but later he abolished it (Sozom. H. E. 1.8; Cod. Theod. 9.5 and 18; Gibbon, ch. 20, 3. p. 11, ed. Smith).

[W.W]

Crux

(σταῦρός, σκόλοψ). The cross; an instrument of capital punishment used from a very early period in the East.

The words σταυρόω and σκολοπίζω (more usually ἀνασταυρόω, ἀνασκολοπίζω) are applied to modes of execution which were certainly common among the Persians; and it is probable that impalement, as well as actual crucifixion, was thus denoted. It has been doubted whether the later or Roman method of crucifixion was practised by the Persians; but the case of Artayctes (Herod.ix. 120) seems to prove that nailing to a tree or plank was not unknown to them. It was the usual punishment of rebels—at least of those who headed revolt. Darius in the Behistun inscription boasts that he had “crucified” the leader of every rebellion that he had put down, giving their names (Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii. Appendix); and it was inflicted on Inaros, the champion of Egyptian liberty (Thuc.i. 110). For the sake of ignominy, the bodies of those who had been otherwise executed were sometimes exposed on a cross after death, not always from humanity. Oroetes, after putting Polycrates to death in some horrible way which Herodotus refuses to describe, crucified the corpse (Herod.iii. 125). We find Xerxes thus treating the body of Leonidas, no doubt as a rebel (Herod.vii. 238); and at a later period Ptolemy Philopator does the same to Cleomenes after his suicide (Plut. Cleom. 38). According to a strange story in Pliny , Tarquinius Priscus adopted this form of posthumous disgrace to check the frequency of suicide among the citizens, driven to despair by the forced labour with which his gigantic building operations were carried on (H. N. xxxvi. 107).

Among ancient nations, the Carthaginians were conspicuous for their cruelty, and crucifixion was horribly frequent among them; it was probably through their example that it was subsequently introduced into Sicily and Italy. It was the usual punishment of rebels, and, as is well known, was commonly inflicted on unsuccessful generals (Polyb. i. 11, 24, 79, etc.). In the war with their mercenaries and African subjects which followed immediately upon the conclusion of the First Punic War, the atrocities on both sides, ghastly enough in the narrative of Polybius, have been sensationally exaggerated in Flaubert's novel Salammbô.

The Greeks were honourably distinguished in the ancient world for their aversion to torture and mutilation in every shape; indeed, it is only in quite recent times that Christian Europe has attained the same standard of refinement. In some ways they could be cruel enough, and the frequency of capital punishments showed a singular disregard of human life. The rage of faction led to massacres like that of Corcyra, on which Thucydides moralizes in a well-known passage (iii. 81 foll.). Prisoners of war were put to death in cold blood— the Plataeans by the Spartans (iii. 68); the Athenian prisoners after Aegospotami to the number of 3000 ( Alcib. 37; Lysand. 13). The Athenians ordered a massacre of all the adult males in Mitylené, probably as many as 6000 (Thuc.iii. 36).

With all this, however, the Greeks habitually abstained from aggravating their executions, whether of criminals or prisoners of war, by insult and torture; and they especially abhorred outrages on women and children. This side of the Greek character is well brought out in Mahaffy's Social Life in Greece; see especially pp. 238, 262 foll., 3d ed. It was so from the earliest historical times. The tyrants of the seventh and sixth centuries are not charged with any atrocities like those of the Visconti and other mediaeval despots in Italy; even the bull of Phalaris (q.v.) is now explained as an instrument of Phoenician Moloch-worship. A few isolated acts of vengeance are recorded of this period, only however in the outlying parts of the Grecian world, and therefore probably due to the contagion of barbarian example. During the struggles at Miletus between the wealthy citizens and the commonalty, the latter (who were called Γέργιθες) when victorious collected the children of the rich upon threshing-floors and had them trampled to death by oxen; the rich, having in turn gained the upper hand, burnt in pitch (κατεπίττωσαν: cf. the tunica molesta of Juvenal, viii. 235; Mart.x. 25) all whom they got into their power, along with their children ( Pont.ap. Ath.xii. 524 a). This story belongs probably to the “two generations” of civil strife at Miletus recorded by Herodotus; but no such horrors are mentioned in Greece proper, where even Helots and serfs ranked as Hellenes. Pisistratus and his sons governed according to the laws of Solon, and even the proceedings which arose out of the murder of Hipparchus fall short of the cruelties inflicted on regicides in quite recent times. There is, in fact, no evidence that crucifixion, impalement, and burning alive were regarded as Greek punishments, at least where, as in Hellas itself, there was no contact with less civilized races. It was the same with mutilations of all kinds, such as the blinding prescribed by the laws of Locri in Italy (Demosth. c. Timocr. p. 744. 140) or the cutting off of hands and feet as practised by the Persians (Xen. Anab. i. 9. 13). The cruelties alluded to in Aesch. Eum. 186-190, including impalement, are those not of Greeks, but of barbarians, and the distinction is pointedly drawn. The Greeks distinguished between reverence for the human body, for which they had a passionate admiration as shown in their athletic exercises and their works of art, and reverence for human life, which they held cheap enough. This feeling continued unimpaired as long as Greece retained her freedom.

In the Macedonian period Greece no longer enjoyed this happy immunity; as a mere province in a larger Hellenism, it was influenced by lower and less humane races. Alexander himself is not free from the stain of cruelty, as is shown by his treatment of real or supposed conspiracies against his person in the cases of Philotas and Hermolaüs. He is said to have either hanged or crucified 2000 Tyrians; he certainly crucified Musicanus, the Indian rajah who had rebelled after being reinstated in his dominions (Arrian, Anab. vi. 17). His successors improved upon his example: a year after his death Perdiccas and Eumenes crucified the aged Ariarathes of Cappadocia after other tortures (Diod.xviii. 16); Lysimachus threatened to crucify the Cyrenaic philosopher Theodorus, though an ambassador, but did not carry out his threat (Cic. Tusc. i. 43. 102). Nicocreon of Cyprus, contemporary with Alexander, actually pounded the philosopher Anaxarchus to death in a mortar (Cic. Tusc. ii. 22. 52). A similar story is told of an older philosopher, Zeno the Eleatic, and a tyrant of his native city ( Cic. l. c.); but the accounts are contradictory. Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, used as an engine of torture a figure studded with nails resembling the Eiserne Jungfrau of some German cities (Polyb. xiii. 7). It is not necessary to pursue the records of this period any further. The general aversion of the Greeks to degrading punishments was not understood by grammarians who lived under the law of the later Roman Empire, nor by scholars like Lipsius (De Cruce, 1592), in whose time even worse horrors were perpetrated.

The Romans were naturally a hard-hearted people, and Livy shows considerable audacity in saying that the dismembering of Mettius Fufetius was the only example in their history of a disregard of the laws of humanity; adding that they might boast that no nation had employed milder punishments (i. 28). From the language of Cicero (Pro Rab. Perd. 4. 13) it has been inferred that crucifixion was in use in the regal period. But the words of the old law point rather to simple hanging (infelici arbori reste suspendito, Liv.i. 26), though the cross was no doubt called arbor infelix in later times. Cicero, who is arguing against the revival of the obsolete law of perduellio and the capital punishment of citizens in any shape, is speaking rhetorically throughout: he quotes the formula without the word reste, a misleading and doubtless intentional omission, and talks vaguely of the cross ( 10, 11, 16) and of the detested Tarquin ( 13). No historical conclusions can be drawn from a speech so obviously designed to confuse the questions at issue. It is highly probable that the Romans derived this punishment from the Carthaginians; at least no mention of it appears to occur before the Second Punic War. First we find Hannibal crucifying a guide who had misled him (Liv.xxii. 13); then the Romans practise it on slaves and deserters (Liv.xxii. 33; xxx. 43. 13; xxxiii. 36). This last passage describes a revolt among the slaves in Etruria, B.C. 196; the ringleaders are scourged and crucified, the rest given up to their masters to be dealt with at discretion. The enormous increase in the numbers of slaves under the later Republic heightened the dread of a rising among them, and the Roman system became more and more one of undisguised terrorism. Two desperate rebellions broke out in Sicily, and were only put down by regular armies—the first in B.C. 134-133, the second lasting four years, 102-99. After the pacification by the praetor M'. Aquillius in B.C. 99, a regulation was made, and strictly enforced by successive governors of the island, that no slave should be allowed to carry a weapon. A few years later, the praetor L. Domitius received a boar of remarkable size as a present; he inquired who had killed it, and finding that it was a slave employed as a shepherd, he summoned the man before him and asked him how he had contrived to destroy it. The shepherd, who expected a reward, replied that he had killed it with a boar-spear (venabulo); upon which Domitius at once ordered him to be crucified. Cicero tells this story with only faint disapproval, while he dwells complacently on the fact that there were no more revolts of the slaves in Sicily (in Verr. v. 3, 4. 7, 8). When the servile war of Spartacus was at last put down by Crassus, the prisoners, to the number of 6000, were crucified all along the Appian Way, between Capua and Rome ( B. C. i. 120). The power of masters over their slaves was at this period, and for some time later, absolute; even the good-natured Horace treats as a joke the possibility of their being crucified for slight offences (Hor. Sat. i. 3, 80 foll.). The first measure passed in their favour was the Lex Petronia (q. v.); Hadrian forbade them to be executed without the sentence of a magistrate; Antoninus Pius ordered that the murder of a slave by his master should be punished as homicide. Besides slaves, the provincials were liable to crucifixion for the greater crimes, such as murder, piracy ( Iul. 4), brigandage, and especially for revolts and conspiracies. The obstinacy of the Jews was particularly exasperating to the Romans, and their repeated rebellions were followed by the wholesale infliction of this punishment; thus Varus (the same who perished in Germany) crucified 2000 at once (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 10. 10); Gessius Florus several hundreds, including Roman citizens of Jewish birth (id. B. I. ii. 14. 9); Titus so many that “room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies” (id. ib. vi. 28); and Hadrian, after the final revolt, 500 a day for some time. Under the Empire the right of the civis Romanus was no longer respected; the first instance, probably, of the crucifixion of a citizen in Rome itself is that, under Galba, of a guardian who poisoned his ward (Galb. 9). Afterwards the odious distinction between the honestiores and humiliores was introduced, and this and other tortures were freely inflicted upon the latter, especially for maiestas or crimes against the State or the person of the emperor (Paul. Sent. v. 23, 1; Dig. 48, 19, tit. de poenis).

The mode of punishment is too well known to need much description. Scourging, as with Roman capital punishments in general, usually preceded it. Three kinds of crosses were in common use: the crux commissa, or T shape; the crux immissa, with a projection at the top, to which was affixed the titulus, setting forth the crime of the sufferer (this was the most common); and the crux decussata, in the shape of an X (St. Andrew's cross). The word crux is also applied to the single stake used in impalement; the latter process is alluded to by Seneca in two passages, but, as he is speaking of death by torture in general, it may be doubted, in the absence of direct evidence, whether this was a Roman custom (Cons. ad Marciam, 20. 3, where crucifixion with the head downward is mentioned). The upright post is called stipes, the transverse beam patibulum; and it was this, rather than the entire instrument, which the criminal carried to the place of execution (Plaut. Mostell. i. 1, 53, and ap. Non. s. v. patibulum). It was impossible that the whole weight of the body should rest upon the nails; hence there was a piece of wood projecting from the stipes on which the sufferer sat, or rather rode (Tertull. adv. Nat. i. 12; cf. adv. Haer. i. 12). The expression acuta si sedeam cruce, in the famous lines of Maecenas ap. Plin. Ep. 101, probably refers to this support, and not, as Lipsius thought, to impalement. When it was wanting, the body was probably sustained by ropes; the combination of ropes with nails is mentioned by Pliny as charms (Pliny H. N. xxviii. 46). See eculeus.

The martyrologies contain accounts of sufferers bound to the cross without the use of nails, and left to die of hunger and exhaustion; when it is added that in some instances they survived nine days, we must be allowed to disbelieve. The criminal was stripped of his clothes—the cloth around the loins, as to which the Christian tradition is constant, seems to have been exceptional— and usually hoisted on to the cross after it had been set up. Sometimes he was stretched upon it on the ground, and then lifted with it; but the former method was the commoner, and hence the phrases cruci suffigere, in crucem agere or tollere, occur oftener than cruci affigere. The well-known breaking of the legs to hasten death is alluded to by Plautus (Poen. iv. 2, 64) and Cicero (Phil. xiii. 12. 27). The dead body was generally left hanging on the cross, to be devoured by birds and beasts; the feet were but little raised above the ground (not as in most pictures), and it was not out of the reach of the latter (Plin. Ep. i. 16, 48; Juv.xiv. 77). Sepulture was therefore forbidden, and a soldier set to watch the corpse (Petron. 111, 112). The place for these executions was always outside the walls of cities; at Rome it was the Campus Esquilinus, to the east of the city, part of which was afterwards occupied by the gardens of Maecenas.

With the establishment of Christianity the associations connected with the Cross led to its abolition, though not from humanity, as other cruel punishments were retained. Constantine at the beginning of his reign had sanctioned it in the case of slaves and freedmen, but later he abolished it.

See the article “Kreuz” in Kraus, Realencyclopädie d. Christlichen Alterthums (1886), where a list of the various forms of the cross is given; also Mortillet, Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme (1866); Fulda, Das Kreuz und die Kreuzigung (Breslau, 1878); and Huschke, Die Multa (Leipzig, 1882).